Former KMT Legislator Tsai Cheng-yuan posted an article yesterday on Facebook titled “Ma Ying-jeou’s Complete Misgovernance Record.” From the article, one can see Tsai’s reluctance about the KMT, his attachment to Ma, and his dissatisfaction with Eric Chu. These three sentiments capture the essence of President Ma Ying-jeou’s inability to please anyone while serving everyone, resulting in his complete loss of heart and governance credibility.
Below are Tsai Cheng-yuan’s complete remarks:
In these sixteen years, Chen Shui-bian lost virtue, and Ma Ying-jeou lost judgment.
🗓️ Ma Ying-jeou’s Eight-Year Misgovernance Record
2008: Honeymoon Ends with Austerity Policy
Ma Ying-jeou won in 2008 with great fanfare, took office May 20, then on May 28 increased fuel prices by 12.7%, on July 1 increased electricity prices by 12.6%, and on July 2 increased fuel prices again by 4.3%.
Using fuel and electricity price increases to promote liberalization and reflect real energy costs makes sense in theory—but that’s egghead academic thinking, not a political leader’s vision. Because Ma Ying-jeou forgot: don’t repair the roof while it’s raining.
Internal Comments Editor’s Note: From my own visits to many countries, I support fuel and electricity price increases, including the securities transaction tax mentioned below. What I believe really became a problem with President Ma was that his team would retreat whenever facing opposition. The worst policy is one never implemented—you have no proof left to show anymore.
Ma’s honeymoon immediately ended, leaving only an egghead cabinet congratulating itself.
By August 9, 2007, the U.S. subprime crisis had exploded; by September 7, 2008, the financial tsunami had fully struck. Taiwan’s economic environment had entered complete contraction—this was the wrong time for austerity policies.
Unfortunately, the timing of fuel and electricity price increases coincided with austerity policy, completely undermining the KMT’s support among the working poor.
The people had headaches and diarrhea—the government didn’t offer painkillers but administered purging medicine instead.
2009-2012: Disasters and Re-Austerity
On August 8, 2009, Typhoon Morakot struck, and Ma and his cabinet responded chaotically, further damaging the Ma government’s credibility.
But Ma never learned. After re-election in 2012, he raised fuel and electricity prices again. On April 1, 2012, fuel prices rose 10.7%; on May 15, 2012, electricity prices rose 29.5%.
The problem was that the European debt crisis had erupted on May 9, 2010, and by 2012 it was still ongoing, continuing through 2015.
Taiwan’s economic environment was in renewed contraction, and another energy price increase made it worse. The KMT’s working-class base was becoming precarious.
Without opening cross-strait policy, Taiwan would have been worse off.
But Ma again tried to “reform” while raining—an elite’s attempt at oversight without political wisdom.
On April 12, 2012, the Ma government pushed Liu Ying-ju’s version to reinstate the securities transaction tax, and the stock market collapsed entirely, destroying the KMT’s credibility with the business community. KMT supporters among stock traders had begun leaving.
On June 4, 2012, Tsai Cheng-yuan opposed Ma’s narrative single-handedly, proposing amendments to the Liu version of the securities transaction tax to apply the brakes. The economic crisis driven by stock market fears was halted.
On October 19, 2012, Premier Chen Chung stepped on the dignity of military and civil servants to echo DPP legislator Kuan Pi-ling’s concerns, eliminating military and civil servant year-end bonuses, destroying the KMT’s iron base of core voters.
On October 24, 2012, Tsai Cheng-yuan proposed eliminating the 9A allowances to slightly stem the anger of these core voters.
2013-2014: Internal Factions Split and Policy Breakdown
The next year, on February 18, 2013, Ma Ying-jeou elevated Jiang Yi-huah as Premier, planting the seeds of succession resentment with Eric Chu, and the KMT’s internal rifts continued widening. Moreover, to allow Jiang smooth passage of policy reports, Ma made unprecedented concessions to DPP legislator Ko Chien-ming, agreeing to clause-by-clause review of the service trade agreement, planting the seeds of the independence-driven Sunflower Movement.
On July 20, 2013, the Hung Chung-chiu incident resulted in the white-shirt march, with the Ma-Jiang government already exhausted and under attack.
On September 8, 2013, the Ma government expelled Wang Jin-ping from party membership. No matter how justified Ma’s reasons, the method was so crude as to be unbelievable. The KMT had completely split; Ma was now alienated from local factions.
At this point, the Ma-Jiang government’s popular base had become like sand in the desert, with no self-protective capability.
On March 18, 2014, the Sunflower Movement erupted; the Ma-Jiang government was helpless, with close associates fleeing.
On April 15, 2014, Lin Yi-hsiung began a hunger strike against nuclear power, far exceeding the Ma-Jiang government’s capacity to handle.
July 2014 saw the government forcing through Twelve-Year Compulsory Education, damaging the KMT’s credibility with the elite class.
In August and October 2014, two food safety scandals struck; the Ma-Jiang government and KMT had no fighting forces left. The DPP and media personalities could do whatever they wanted, and the KMT’s remaining governance credibility was completely destroyed.
On November 29, 2014, the KMT suffered a major defeat in local elections—a reflection of all the above factors, not any achievement of the DPP.
2015: Eric Chu’s Missteps
In 2015, Ma Ying-jeou was no longer KMT chairman and made no further errors in governance. But Eric Chu became party chairman and chose not to run for president, a knee-jerk decision that shocked everyone.
When Hung Hsiu-chu won the nomination, she was forcibly replaced, causing the KMT’s deep blue supporters to essentially go on strike.
Moreover, despite near-unanimous opposition from the nomination review committee, Eric Chu unilaterally proposed a KMT non-regional legislator list that was historically the worst list ever.
He also nominated Wang Ju-hsuan—someone even the vice chairman and secretary-general didn’t know about—as vice presidential candidate, then left the military accommodation scandal unhandled for three weeks.
The KMT’s regime was hanging by a thread.
Eric Chu’s incompetence was self-inflicted, but the KMT’s regional legislators paid the price.
If the KMT wishes to be reborn, it must remember this complete record of misgovernance and tears!
It’s not that Tsai Ing-wen was too strong, not that first-time voters were that numerous—it’s that Ma Ying-jeou and Eric Chu made that many mistakes!
Source: Tsai Cheng-yuan’s Facebook post